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Doing the right thing is obeying authority and avoiding punishment. At stage 2, children are no longer so impressed by any single authority; they see that there are different sides to any issue. At stages 3 and 4, young people think as members of the conventional society with its values, norms, and expectations.

At stage 3, they emphasize being a good person, which basically means having helpful motives toward people close to one At stage 4, the concern shifts toward obeying laws to maintain society as a whole. At stages 5 and 6 people are less concerned with maintaining society for it own sake, and more concerned with the principles and values that make for a good society. At stage 5 they emphasize basic rights and the democratic processes that give everyone a say, and at stage 6 they define the principles by which agreement will be most just.

Kohlberg, it is important to remember, is a close follower of Piaget. That is, the stage structures and sequences do not simply unfold according to a genetic blueprint.

Neither, Kohlberg maintains, are his stages the product of socialization. That is, socializing agents e. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine them systematically teaching each new stage structure in its particular place in the sequence.

The stages emerge, instead, from our own thinking about moral problems. Social experiences do promote development, but they do so by stimulating our mental processes. As we get into discussions and debates with others, we find our views questioned and challenged and are therefore motivated to come up with new, more comprehensive positions.

New stages reflect these broader viewpoints Kohlberg et al. We might imagine, for example, a young man and woman discussing a new law. The man says that everyone should obey it, like it or not, because laws are vital to social organization stage 4. The woman notes, however, that some well-organized societies, such as Nazi Germany, were not particularly moral.

The man therefore sees that some evidence contradicts his view. He experiences some cognitive conflict and is motivated to think about the matter more fully, perhaps moving a bit toward stage 5. As children interact with others, they learn how viewpoints differ and how to coordinate them in cooperative activities. As they discuss their problems and work out their differences, they develop their conceptions of what is fair and just.

Whatever the interactions are specifically like, they work best, Kohlberg says, when they are open and democratic. The less children feel pressured simply to conform to authority, the freer they are to settle their own differences and formulate their own ideas.

Piaget, you will recall, proposed that true mental stages meet several criteria. They 1 are qualitatively different ways of thinking, 2 are structured wholes, 3 progress in an invariant sequence, 4 can be characterized as hierarchic integrations. Kohlberg has taken these criteria very seriously, trying to show how his stages meet them all. Let us consider these points one at a time.

For example, stage 1 responses, which focus on obedience to authority, sound very different from stage 2 responses, which argue that each person is free to behave as he or she wishes.

The two stages do not seem to differ along any quantitative dimension, they seem qualitatively different. By "structured wholes," Kohlberg means that the stages are not just isolated responses but are general patterns of thought that will consistently show up across many different kinds of issues. One gets a sense that this is true by reading through his scoring manual; one finds the same kinds of thinking reappearing on diverse items.

For example, one item asks, "Why should a promise be kept? Similarly, as children proceed through the stages they keep giving responses that are similar to those to the Heinz dilemma Gibbs et al. In addition, Kohlberg and his co-workers Colby et al. Since some subjects might be in transition between stages, one does not expect perfect consistency. Nevertheless, Kohlberg found that subjects scored at their dominant stage across nine dilemmas about two-thirds of the time.

This seems to be a fair degree of consistency, suggesting the stages may reflect general modes of thought.

Kohlberg believes that his stages unfold in an invariant sequence. Children always go from stage 1 to stage 2 to stage 3 and so forth. They do not skip stages or move through them in mixed-up orders. Not all children necessarily reach the highest stages; they might lack intellectual stimulation. But to the extent they do go through the stages, they proceed in order. That is, he interviewed different children at various ages to see if the younger ones were at lower stages than the older ones.

Stages 1 and 2 are primarily found at the youngest age, whereas the higher stages become more prevalent as age increases. Thus, the data support the stage sequence. Cross-sectional findings, however, are inconclusive. In a cross-sectional study, different children are interviewed at each age, so there is no guarantee that any individual child actually moves through the stages in order. For example, there is no guarantee that a boy who is coded at stage 3 at age 13 actually passed through stages 1 and 2 in order when he was younger.

More conclusive evidence must come from longitudinal studies, in which the same children are followed over time. The first two major longitudinal studies Kohlberg and Kramer, ; Holstein, began with samples of teenagers and then tested them at three-year intervals.

These studies produced ambiguous results. In both, most subjects either remained at the same stage or moved up one stage, but there were also some who might have skipped a stage. Furthermore, these studies indicated that some subjects had regressed, and this finding also bothered Kohlberg, because he believes that movement through his stages should always be forward.

So, when these longitudinal findings emerged, he decided to develop a much more precise and adequate scoring system and, to some extent, to revise his definitions of the stages. To create the latest scoring manual, Kohlberg and his co-workers Colby et al.

It was during this work that Kohlberg decided to drop stage 6. Kohlberg then examined the hypothesis of invariant sequence for 51 other boys from his original sample, who also had been retested at least twice every three or four years over the year period.

This time, Kohlberg and his colleagues Colby et al. Four recent longitudinal studies have obtained similar results although, two have found somewhat more regression up to 15 percent see Colby et al.

In general, then, the new longitudinal studies seem to support the invariant-sequence hypothesis. Stage 4 had become the dominant stage by age In the new scoring system, however, it is more difficult to achieve the higher stages--the reasoning must be more clearly demonstrated--and Kohlberg finds that stage 4 does not become dominant until the boys are in their 20s and 30s. Stage 5, too, only appears in the mids and never becomes very prevalent.

When Kohlberg says that his stages are hierarchically integrated, he means that people do not lose the insights gained at earlier stages, but integrate them into new, broader frameworks. For example, people at stage 4 can still understand stage 3 arguments, but they now subordinate them to wider considerations. They understand that Heinz had good motives for stealing, but they point out that if we all stole whenever we had a good motive, the social structure would break down.

Thus stage 4 subordinates a concern for motives to a wider concern for the society as a whole. The concept of hierarchic integration is very important for Kohlberg because it enables him to explain the direction of his stage sequence.

Since he is not a maturationist, he cannot simply say that the sequence is wired into the genes. So he wants to show how each new stage provides a broader framework for dealing with moral issues. Stage 4, as mentioned, transcends the limitations of stage 3 and becomes more broadly concerned with social organization.

Stage 5, in turn, sees the weakness of stage 4; a well-organized society is not necessarily a moral one. Stage 5 therefore considers the rights and orderly processes that make for a moral society.

Each new stage retains the insights of the prior stage, but it recasts them into a broader framework. In this sense, each new stage is more cognitively adequate than the prior stage. If Kohlberg is right about the hierarchic nature of his stages, we would expect that people would still be able to understand earlier stages but consider them inferior, In fact, when Rest Rest et al.

They understood lower-stage reasoning, but they disliked it. What they preferred was the highest stage they heard, whether they fully understood it or not. This finding suggests, perhaps, that they had some intuitive sense of the greater adequacy of the higher stages. Werner, we remember from Chapter 4, described hierarchic integration as a process that occurs alongside differentiation, and Kohlberg believes his stages represent increasingly differentiated structures as well.

Kohlberg points out that the stage 5 value on life, for example, has become differentiated from other considerations.

Stage 5 respondents say that we ought to value life for its own sake, regardless of its value to authorities stage 1 , its usefulness to oneself stage 2 , the affection it arouses in us stage 3 , or its value within a particular social order stage 4. Stage 5 subjects have abstracted this value from other considerations and now treat it as a purely moral ideal. Their thinking, Kohlberg says, is becoming like that of the moral philosophers in the Kantian tradition , p. Kohlberg, like all stage theorists, maintains that his stage sequence is universal; it is the same in all cultures.

At first glance, this proposal might be surprising. For example, one culture might discourage physical fighting, while another encourages it more. As a result, children will have different beliefs about fighting, but they will still reason about it in the same way at the same stage.

They do so because this is what they can cognitively grasp. Children, regardless of their beliefs, will always move to stage 4 thinking some time after stage 1 thinking because it is cognitively so much more sophisticated. Kohlberg, then, proposes that his stage sequence will be the same in all cultures, for each stage is conceptually more advanced than the next.

He and other researchers have given his interview to children and adults in a variety of cultures, including Mexico, Taiwan, Turkey, Israel, the Yucatan, Kenya, the Bahamas, and India.

Most of the studies have been cross sectional, but a few have been longitudinal. To the extent that children move through the stages, they appear to move in order Edwards, At the same time, people in different cultures seem to move through the sequence at different rates and to reach different end-points.

In the United States most urban middle-class adults reach stage 4, with a small percentage using some stage 5 reasoning.

In urban areas of other countries the picture is fairly similar. In the isolated villages and tribal communities of many countries, however, it is rare to find any adult beyond stage 3 Edwards, Kohlberg Nisan and Kohlberg, suggests that one can understand these findings in terms of Piagetian theory.

In traditional villages, however, there may be little to challenge a stage 3 morality; the norms of care and empathy work very well in governing the face-to-face interactions of the group. Thus, there is little to stimulate thinking beyond this stage. When, in contrast, young people leave the village and go off to the city, they witness the breakdown of interpersonal ties.

They see that group norms of care and empathy have little impact on the impersonal interactions of city life, and they see the need for a formal legal structure to ensure moral conduct. They begin to think in terms of stage 4 morality. Furthermore, as Keniston notes, if young people attend the universities, they may take classes in which the teachers deliberately question the unexamined assumptions of their childhoods and adolescences.

Thus they are stimulated to think about moral matters in new ways. As everyone knows, people who can talk at a high moral level may not behave accordingly.

Consequently, we would not expect perfect correlations between moral judgment and moral action. Still, Kohlberg thinks that there should be some relationship. As a general hypothesis, he proposes that moral behavior is more consistent, predictable. Thus, we can expect that moral behavior, too, will become more consistent as people move up the sequence. Generally speaking, there is some research support for this hypothesis e. Some research has focused on the relationships between particular stages and specific kinds of behavior.

Again, some research supports this hypothesis, but there also are some ambiguous results Blasi, Several studies have examined the relationship between postconventional thinking and student protest. Our team perfectly understands your worries, as we know how crucial your essay results may be for your academic future and your career.

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